Showing posts with label Government. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Government. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 26, 2020

Emperor Wu’s Lavish Entertainment For Foreign Envoys




Emperor Wu (r. 141-87 BCE), like any powerful emperor, wanted to receive deference and respect from the weaker realms that neighbored his empire. One of the main ways that he spread his influence was through the use of his military might, which he used to expand his empire in all directions throughout the course of his reign. Yet, military might was not the only way he tried to impress and awe his neighbors—he also attempted to win over foreign dignitaries by entertaining them with feasts and spectacles that showed off the extravagant wealth and resources of his empire.

Sima Qian, Grand Historian and palace secretary of Emperor Wu, recorded for posterity a list of various ways that the emperor tried to use luxury and opulence to make visitors to his realm feel awe and reverence for the Han Empire. First of all, the emperor reportedly housed foreign visitors in grand and gorgeous lodgings. The dignitaries, however, did not stay in one place, as the emperor apparently liked to send the foreign envoys on tours of China’s greatest cities. When the foreigners were given time to rest in one place, the emperor smothered them with magnificent banquets and exotic shows.

In describing Emperor Wu’s feasts, Grand Historian Sima Qian wrote, “He entertained the foreign visitors with veritable lakes of wine and forests of meat and had them shown around to the various granaries and storehouses to see how much wealth was laid away there, astounding and overwhelming them with the breadth and greatness of the Han empire” (Shi Ji 123). As for non-edible entertainment, the emperor did not spare any expense. Showmen and exotic animals were brought in from all over the empire to impress the foreign visitors. Sima Qian wrote:

 “He would hold great wrestling matches and displays of unusual skills and all sorts of rare creatures, gathering together large numbers of people to watch…After the skills of the foreign magicians and tricksters had been imported into China, the wrestling matches and displays of unusual feats developed and improved with each year, and from this time on entertainment of this type became increasingly popular” (Shi Ji 123).

If all of the above was not enough to impress foreign envoys, the emperor still had a few options at his disposal. One such method was for the emperor to simply give the diplomats a parting gift of silks and money before they returned to their homelands.

Written by C. Keith Hansley

Picture Attribution: (Image of the Dahuting Tomb mural, c. 2nd-3rd century CE, [Public Domain] via Creative Commons).

Sources:
  • The Records of the Grand Historian (Shi ji) by Sima Qian, translated by Burton Watson. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993.

Tuesday, February 11, 2020

The Linked Deaths Of Thane Liulf And Bishop Walchere



William the Conqueror, king of England from 1066 to 1087, successfully arranged for Walchere of Lorraine to become the bishop of Durham around 1072. Around the time of Walchere’s appointment to the bishopric, resistance among the newly-conquered Anglo-Saxon population to King William’s Norman rule was beginning to die down. One visible example of this growing acceptance and assimilation among the Anglo-Saxons was the case of a certain wealthy man named Liulf. During the pre-1066 heyday of the Anglo-Saxons, Liulf had been a powerful thane with landholdings scattered in several regions of England. Sometime after 1072, however, Liulf chose to accept Norman rule and decided to live out his retirement in Durham.

As an Anglo-Saxon nobleman, Liulf had business and government experience, and he attempted to cultivate a friendship with the Norman administrators in Durham by offering his advice to them on any matters that they were willing to discuss. He had some success growing closer to Bishop Walchere, but the other administrators, such as the bishop’s secular counterpart, Gilbert, never warmed to the retired thane. As Liulf grew closer to the bishop, the other Norman officials in Durham only continued to become more and more irritated with his presence. Nevertheless, Liulf was safe as long as his friendship with Bishop Walchere remained intact.

Unfortunately for Liulf, something occurred around 1080 that caused a breach between the bishop and the thane. What exactly caused the divide is unknown, but Bishop Walchere’s faith in Liulf was shaken to such a visible extent that the Norman officials operating out of Durham predicted that if they struck at their Anglo-Saxon rival at this time, there would be little repercussion from the bishop. Putting their hopes on this hunch, Liulf’s enemies made their move, and the Anglo-Saxon thane was murdered in his home.

It is difficult to gauge the bishop’s reaction to the death. On the one hand, he reportedly did an investigation, accusing the aforementioned administrative and military official, Gilbert, of being involved in the murder. This official, along with other people implicated in the death, faced banishment from the region of Northumbria. Yet, on the other hand, Bishop Walchere reportedly allowed Gilbert and other such banished people to secretly stay at his Durham church property.

Unfortunately for the Normans in Durham, Liulf had been a well-connected man. His family, friends and other angry Anglo-Saxons marched on Durham to demand revenge. This force became all the more irate when they learned that Bishop Walchere was sheltering the very people that he had earlier banished for being involved in the murder. The bishop, for his part, apparently attempted to negotiate some sort of peace settlement between the accused murderers and the Anglo-Saxons rioters who had poured in from various sections of Northumbria. Bringing these two parties together, however, had a disastrous effect. The fates of Bishop Walchere and his Norman comrades were reported in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which stated, “In this year [1080] bishop Walchere was slain in Durham, at a meeting, and a hundred men with him, French and Flemish; but he himself was born in Lorraine. This the Northumbrians did in the month of May” (AD 1080). In response to the massacre, King William reportedly sent a Norman army to ravage the region of Northumbria.

Written by C. Keith Hansley

Picture Attribution: (A scene from the reign of Henry IV, illustrated by James William Edmund Doyle (1822–1892), [Public Domain] via Creative Commons).

Sources:
  • The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle translated by Benjamin Thorpe in 1861 and republished by Cambridge University Press, 2012.
  • The Chronicle of Florence of Worcester translated by Thomas Forester. London: Petter and Galpin, originally published 1854.  

Monday, February 3, 2020

Rome’s Underhanded Acquisition Of Disputed Land In 446 BCE



446 BCE was a busy year for the Romans. According to the historian Livy, it was a year that played host to both military glory and diplomatic shame. The former lauded feat came from Rome’s victory over a Volscian and Aequian invasion. As for the latter scandal, it resulted from the Roman people’s part in a land dispute between allies. At the heart of the conflict were the feuding cities of Aricia and Ardea, both of which were members of the Roman alliance network and were located just to the southeast of Rome. Aricia and Ardea had an ongoing heated feud about a piece of land, and tiring of their endless arguments, both cities reportedly decided to send representatives to Rome in order to have the Romans decide which of the cities had a better claim to the disputed land. When the representatives arrived, they were given an audience by the Roman government, the members of which listened to the arguments of both Aricia and Ardea. After the presentations were concluded, the Roman governing officials reportedly called an assembly of the political tribes of Rome to let the people decide the fate of the disputed land. It was in this latter phase when the land arbitration took a turn into controversy.

According to Livy, the disputed land that was in question happened to have once belonged to a city called Corioli, which the Romans were said to have occupied and burned in 493 BCE. As Aricia and Ardea were fighting over that land decades later, Rome obviously did not put much effort into settling or defending that region, allowing for other nearby cities to expand into the territory once held by Corioli. Nevertheless, an elderly Roman citizen reportedly brought up Rome’s past campaign in the region and insisted that the Romans had just as much right to the land as did Aricia and Ardea. Such talk reportedly won over the expansionist Roman masses, and when the representatives from the petitioning cities were called back to hear the verdict, the diplomats from Aricia and Ardea were told that it was Rome that would be taking the disputed land, to which the allied diplomats could do little but grumble. Livy, for his part, decried the move as shameful, “for an arbitrator to convert disputed land to his own use was a crime revolting in itself, and would set a precedent even worse” (History of Rome, 3.72).

Written by C. Keith Hansley

Picture Attribution: (Wall painting from Pompeii (before 79 AD) - Naples, Archaeological Museum, [Public Domain] via flickr.com and Creative Commons).

Sources:
  • The History of Rome by Livy, translated by Aubrey de Sélincourt. New York: Penguin Classics, 2002.

Wednesday, November 27, 2019

The Northumbrian Coup Against Earl Tostig



Tostig Godwinson became the Earl of Northumbria in 1055. His brother was Earl Harold Godwinson of Wessex and his brother-in-law was King Edward the Confessor of England (r. 1042-1066). Encouraged by his own power and that of his relations, Earl Tostig began to act tyrannically in Northumbria, angering his local liegemen in various ways. The least nefarious of these abuses was a poorly explained increase on Northumbrian taxes. More scandalous, however, were the assassinations of several noblemen that occurred at that time in Northumbria, which the locals attributed to the machinations of Tostig and the fellow members of his House of Godwin.

By 1065, the Northumbrians were fed up with Tostig’s rule. According to the chronicler, Florence of Worcester (d. 1117), the assassinations of three prominent Northumbrians (named of Cospatric, Gamel and Ulf) were what finally caused the region to rebel against its tyrannical leader. Around October 3, 1065, a coup was reportedly launched by a group of local Northumbrian noblemen. At a time when Earl Tostig was away from Northumbria, the members of the coup marched with a small army to the earl’s seat of power at York. The rebellious force skillfully infiltrated the city, systematically executed around two hundred of Tostig’s loyal administrators, and seized control of the treasury and armory in York. With the city of York firmly in the conspirators’ hands, the maneuverings in Northumbria against Tostig transitioned out of the shadows and became a more public affair. Noblemen and peasants rallied behind the coup, and an anti-Tostig army was mobilized which reached a formidable size.

Earl Harold Godwinson led the English response to the Northumbrian revolt, leading on behalf of the increasingly ill King Edward the Confessor. By the time he and his army arrived on the scene of the rebellion, Harold Godwinson found the Northumbrians organized and well-led by a prospective earl named Morcar. As Morcar’s leadership among the rebels was stable and his Northumbrian army had formidable strength, Harold Godwinson was not enthusiastic about attacking the rebel force, even if it was his brother Tostig’s earldom that was at stake. Instead of going to war and crushing the rebellion, Harold Godwinson instead opened up negotiations with Morcar and the rebel leadership. During these negotiations between the English army and the Northumbrian rebels, Harold Godwinson did not put up much of a fight for his tyrannical brother, Tostig. Instead, England accepted Morcar as the new Earl of Northumbria, and Tostig Godwinson was outlawed.

Written by C. Keith Hansley

Picture Attribution: (Image from page 44 of "The book of the Bayeux tapestry” edited by Hilaire Belloc (c. 1914), [Public Domain] via flickr and Creative Commons).

Sources:
  • The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle translated by Benjamin Thorpe in 1861 and republished by Cambridge University Press, 2012.
  • The Chronicle of Florence of Worcester translated by Thomas Forester. London: Petter and Galpin, originally published in 1854. 
  • https://www.britannica.com/biography/Tostig-Earl-of-Northumbria 
  • https://www.britannica.com/biography/Edward-king-of-England-1002-1066 
  • https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/morcar-earl-northumbria  

Sunday, June 16, 2019

Emperor Vespasian Was Reportedly Pelted With Turnips



Vespasian was born around the year 9, and in his early decades of life, he followed the average path of the up-and-coming Roman statesman. He was successful (but remarkably average) in his early military and political career, ascending the typical Roman social ladder to power—moving through the ranks of military tribune, quaestor and aedile, and finally reaching the post of praetor in the year 39. Vespasian was able to maintain his growing power and prestige during the troubled reign of Caligula (r. 37-41), but it was during the time of Emperor Claudius (r. 41-54) that his career really began to skyrocket.

Vespasian was appointed as a legion commander (of the II Augusta) in the year 43, just in time for him to participate in Claudius’ invasion of Britain. During the war against the Britons, Vespasian distinguished himself and as a result, he was awarded triumphal decorations and prominent priestly titles. His next big step up the political hierarchy came in the year 51, when Vespasian became a consul—one of the loftiest positions in Rome. Just as Vespasian was reaching what he may have then considered the height of his political career, his potential for further advancement was suddenly thrown into chaos. In the year 54, Emperor Claudius died and was succeeded by Nero.

Vespasian and Nero seemed to have had a rocky relationship in the beginning. Over the years, however, the middle-aged military veteran and statesman was able to slowly, but surely, work his way into the good graces of the young and flamboyant Nero. The diligent relationship-building eventually paid off, and Vespasian was appointed by Nero as proconsul (governor) of Africa around the year 63. Although his term of office in North Africa was described by Suetonius as “characterized by justice and great dignity” (The Twelve Caesars, Vespasian, 4), Vespasian apparently had not yet refined his public relations skills, and many of the people under his governance showed him great hostility.

The most dramatic incident during his time as governor occurred in the region of Hadrumetum. For unexplained reasons, the inhabitants of that area became extremely outraged and they held Vespasian responsible for whatever it was the drew their ire. Vespasian, the dutiful proconsul, traveled to the epicenter of unrest in order to deal with the situation. The problem, he soon found out, could not have been famine—for there were so many vegetables on hand that the people vented their frustration by showering poor Vespasian with produce. As Suetonius bluntly put it, “the people of Hadrumetum rioted and pelted him with turnips” (The Twelve Caesars, Vespasian, 4). Unfortunately, Vespasian’s response to the turnip-pelting incident was not recorded. Whatever the case, Suetonius presented the situation as an anomalous, once-occurring incident that was never again repeated.

Turnips, however, cannot keep an ambitious man down. Vespasian was transferred by Nero to Judea between 66 and 67, where he and his son, Titus, led the Roman response to the Jewish revolt in the region. Finally, in 69, Vespasian used his connection in the Middle East and Africa to become the winner of the so-called Year of the Four Emperors, out-surviving and supplanting his rivals, Galba, Otho and Vitellius.

Written by C. Keith Hansley.

Picture Attribution: (Image of Vespasian by Egidius Sadeler (1570–1629) over a picture of turnips, both [Public Domain] via Creative Commons).

Sources:
  • The Twelve Caesars by Suetonius, translated by Robert Graves and edited by James B. Rives. New York: Penguin Classics, 2007.
  • https://www.britannica.com/biography/Vespasian 
  • https://www.ancient.eu/Vespasian/
  • https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/vespasian.shtml 
  • https://www.livius.org/articles/person/vespasian/  

Tuesday, June 4, 2019

The Costly Human Toll Of Emperor Wu’s Unannounced Imperial Tour Of 114 BCE




When Emperor Wu (r. 141-87 BCE) of the Han Dynasty went on the first official tour of his empire in 114 BCE, it caused quite a stir in the realm. The tour was apparently not widely publicized and, perhaps for the sake of security, few of the provincial governors knew where or when the emperor would appear. Unfortunately, several of the unprepared governors would lose their lives because of the emperor’s surprise visits.

The governor of Hedong Province was reported to have been the first provincial official who was blindsided by the emperor’s unexpected arrival. Due to the secrecy of the tour, no preparations had been made whatsoever. There was no public fanfare, no feast or entertainment for the imperial entourage, and no proper quarters were set up for the emperor’s large party. In shame, the governor of Hedong committed suicide.

Although word was now leaking out about the imperial tour, Emperor Wu could march his army of attendants with surprising speed. As such, the emperor was able to catch another governor off guard—this time the governor of Longxi province. This latest victim of the emperor’s surprise tour and speedy march had apparently heard that the imperial procession would be eventually heading his way, and therefore the governor of Longxi began hoarding supplies for their arrival. Yet, due to Emperor Wu’s fast pace, the governor did not have enough time to gather the required food to feed the veritable army of imperial attendants that were following in the emperor’s wake. As with the previous official, the governor of Longxi was now irrecoverably scandalized by his lack of preparation. Following the same pattern as his peer from Hedong, the provincial leader of Longxi also committed suicide. 

While the emperor was in Longxi, the other provincial governors along the tour route were apparently able to fill their larders in preparation for the emperor’s visit. Yet, Emperor Wu was a sharp critic with a keen eye, and, unfortunately for another official, the emperor’s gaze found a troublesome flaw in the jurisdiction of the governor of Beidi. While the emperor was out hunting (accompanied by 20,000-30,000 horsemen, it was said), he noticed that large swaths of land were unguarded and unpatrolled, posing a security risk to the empire. Consequentially, Emperor Wu had the governor of Beidi, the governor’s lieutenants, and all of their favorite advisers executed because of the province’s poor defenses. After the deaths of the governors of Hedong, Longxi and Beidi, the other provincial leaders finally got their acts together, obtaining enough food and organizing enough patrols to satisfy the emperor and save their lives.

Written by C. Keith Hansley.

Sources:
  • Records of the Grand Historian (Shi ji) by Sima Qian, translated by Burton Watson. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993.
  • https://www.britannica.com/biography/Wudi-emperor-of-Han-dynasty 
  •  

Sunday, March 10, 2019

The Sibling Succession Drama In The Kingdom of Changshan



Liu Shun was the son of Emperor Jing (r. 157-141 BCE) and a concubine named Madam Wang Erxu. Of Emperor Jing’s thirteen known sons, Liu Shun was reportedly the youngest. Shun was much beloved by the emperor, but he was not the heir apparent to the empire—that honor went to Shun’s half-brother, the future Emperor Wu (141-87 BCE). While Wu was prepared for imperial rule, Liu Shun was sent to become the king of Changshan in 145 BCE. Although distance and social hierarchy separated the brothers, the two seemed to remain close even after they took up their political duties. Their parents were likely a contributing factor in their unique sibling relationship, for besides having the same father, the mothers of Wu and Shun were also sisters.

King Liu Shun had a long and peaceful reign, ruling Changshan without incident from 145 to 113 BCE. He reportedly fathered four sons, Liu Zhuo, Liu Bo, Liu Ping and Liu Shang, all said to have been born from different women. Although Zhuo was the eldest of the brothers, King Liu Shun saw little promise in him and did not consider Zhou for succession. The king eventually named Liu Bo as his heir—yet, although Bo was the king’s favorite son, Bo’s mother, Queen Xiu, was Liu Shun’s least favorite of the palace women.

When King Liu Shun was on his deathbed, the dying king was not content with only his queen and heir being present at his side. To bring himself comfort in his final moments, the king asked for all of his favorite concubines to join with the queen in waiting by his bedside. Although the newly arrived women brought a sense of peace to the sickly king, the presence of the concubines also belittled and infuriated Queen Xiu. Instead of staying in the packed room with the concubines, the queen angrily stormed off and refused to leave her personal quarters unless the other women left the king’s bedside. Crown Prince Liu Bo apparently also left his fading father’s side for long periods of time in an attempt to comfort his distraught and bitter mother. Unfortunately for the crown prince and the queen, King Liu Shun died while both of them were away from his deathbed. For the crown prince, this was extremely bad optics, and, in an age where filial piety was of utmost importance, Liu Bo’s absence from his father’s side could be considered by Han officials to be criminal negligence.

Despite the scandal, Liu Bo succeeded in claiming the kingdom of Changshan after his father’s death, yet his grip on power was fragile. Once on the throne, King Liu Bo was allegedly swayed by his mother to disenfranchise his brothers (especially the eldest, Zhuo) from their wealth and influence in Changshan. The ministers and officials in Changshan did not agree with this policy, not to mention the new king’s spurned brothers.

Liu Zhuo was the brother most infuriated by Bo’s conduct. Zhuo, the eldest sibling, had always felt entitled to power, and if he could not have that, he at least wanted respect. As King Liu Bo was neither sharing power nor showing respect, Zhou decided to devote himself to undermining his little brother’s authority. Therefore, when an official from the central Han government arrived for the late King Liu Shun’s funeral, Zhuo reported to him every piece of damaging information, both fact and rumor alike, that he knew would bring harm to his brother. In consequence of Liu Bo not being at his father’s deathbed, he was charged with not testing the quality and safety of his father’s medicine—a serious allegation of criminal neglect. The Han official was also told that Bo had not mourned his father’s death for the adequate number of days, and was instead seen partying with mistresses in various locations around the kingdom.

When Emperor Wu received reports of these allegations, he launched an investigation into the conduct of his nephews, the princes of Changshan.
After about three months, Emperor Wu and his investigators had made their decision. The emperor decided that Liu Bo and Liu Zhou were both guilty of conduct unbecoming of nobility and therefore unfit to rule. Bo was stripped of his royal title and sent with his mother to live as commoners in Fangling. The exact fate of Liu Zhou was not recorded, but the emperor did not reward him with any wealth or land for testifying against his brother. Instead, Emperor Wu absorbed the region of Changshan under his own jurisdiction and then he gave new kingdoms to the least dramatic of the four brothers—Ping and Shang. While Bo and Zhuo dwindled into obscurity, Liu Ping became the king of Zhending and Liu Shang was appointed king of Sishui.

Written by C. Keith Hansley.

Picture Attribution: (Household from a painting depicting Qingming in peace, c. Ming dynasty (1368–1644), [Public Domain] via Creative Commons).

Sources:
  • The Records of the Grand Historian (Shi ji) by Sima Qian, translated by Burton Watson. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993.

Monday, March 4, 2019

Multiple Ancient Historians Claimed Vespasian Was A Miraculous Healer Foretold By Oracles




In July and August of the year 69 CE, the legions stationed in the eastern end of the Roman Empire, from the Black Sea region to Egypt, pledged their loyalty to Vespasian in his bid to claim the title of emperor. Ironically, he had been sent to Judea by Nero around the year 66 to crush a rebellion, but now Vespasian was going to become what he had originally been tasked to hunt—a rebel. It was the Year of the Four Emperors (69 CE) and so far two emperors had already died in the opening months of that chaotic year. The only contenders left in the free-for-all were Emperor Vitellius and Vespasian, the rogue governor of Judea. Vespasian and his supporters quickly proved themselves to be the superior force, pushing their way into Rome by December and brutally executing Emperor Vitellius.

Vespasian was brilliant at public relations. He commanded his rebellion from afar, so as to escape any connection to the bloody horrors of Civil War. Therefore, while the prospective emperor’s trusted lieutenants were burning Rome and massacring dissidents, Vespasian was innocently away in Egypt. He was such a master of plausible deniability that the ancient biographer, Suetonius, adoringly stated “My research shows that no innocent party was ever punished during Vespasian’s reign except behind his back or while he was absent from Rome” (The Twelve Caesars, Divus Vespasian, section 15).

Another of Vespasian’s public relations successes was his ability to surround himself with an aura of divinity. It was an idea long used by the emperors—Julius Caesar, Augustus and Emperor Claudius had all been posthumously recognized as gods and the descendants of these men touted their divine lineage for political gain. Vespasian, however, brought this tactic to a new level.

 According to numerous ancient Roman historians, Emperor Vespasian was widely believed to be able to perform holy miracles. Three ancient scholars—Tacitus, Suetonius and Cassius Dio (the first two lived during the reign of Vespasian)—specifically mentioned two instances of miracle healings that Vespasian allegedly performed. The healings were both said to have occurred in Alexandria around June or July of the year 70. As the story goes, two debilitated men approached Emperor Vespasian together and threw themselves to the ground before him. One of the men was blind and the other had an unresponsive hand. Vespasian decided to let the supplicants speak. The result of their interaction would become one of the most talked-about events in the reign of the new emperor.

The pair announced that the god, Serapis, had appeared to them in a dream or vision and had proclaimed that Vespasian possessed the power to heal their disabilities. Serapis had apparently also given specific instructions on how the cures could be achieved. The blind man claimed that he would be healed if Vespasian spat into his eye and the person with the unmoving fingers would be healed if the emperor stepped on his withered hand. According to the tale, the emperor was bashful about attempting the healing, yet his friends and advisors ultimately convinced him to try. Following the procedure provided by the god, Serapis, Vespasian spat into the blind man’s eye, and, to everyone’s amazement, the man exclaimed that he could see again. The emperor then stepped upon the other man’s hand, which, after being stepped on, immediately began to work perfectly.

Suetonius, Cassius Dio and Tacitus did not question if the healing was a historical event and gave the story the benefit of the doubt. Tacitus, however, did attempt to provide a more medical explanation of what might have occurred that day. He mused that perhaps Vespasian’s spittle had cleared an eyelash or some other obstruction from the blind man’s eye and that the injured hand of the other supplicant might have been fixed by Vespasian using his foot to apply pressure to dislocated joints, thereby snapping them back into place. Whatever the case, the story of Vespasian’s healings in Alexandria spread like wildfire, and, regardless of whether it was all a political ploy, pure luck, or truly a divine miracle, the spectacle became the talk of the empire. Tacitus wrote: “The hand was instantly restored to use, and the day again shone for the blind man. Both facts are told by eye-witnesses even now when falsehood brings no reward” (The Histories, Book IV, section 81).

One of the greatest contributions to Vespasian’s aura of divinity, however, was his claim to be the fulfillment of biblical messianic prophecy. As a governor of Judea that had gone on to rule the Roman world, Vespasian milked the messianic prophecies of the Middle East for all their worth. Such theories linking Vespasian to Jewish prophecies and oracles appeared in the works of several ancient historians. Suetonius wrote: “An ancient superstition was current in the east that out of Judea would come the rulers of the world. This prediction, as it later proved, referred to the Roman emperors, but the Jews, who read it as referring to themselves, rebelled” (Divus Vespasian, section 4). Tacitus made the same assumption in his work. He stated: “This mysterious prophecy had in reality pointed to Vespasian and Titus, but the common people, as is the way of human ambition, interpreted these great destinies in their own favour, and could not be turned to the truth even by adversity” (The Histories, Book V, section 13). Interestingly, even the Jewish historian and priest, Josephus (c. 37-100), joined the bandwagon with the Roman scholars. In his text, The Jewish War, Josephus wrote, “Now, this oracle certainly denoted the government of Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in Judea” (Jewish War, Book VI, chapter 5, section 4 (6.313)).

Written by C. Keith Hansley.

Picture Attribution: (Triumph of Vespasian and Titus, by Giulio Romano (1499–1546), [Public Domain] via Creative Commons).

Sources:
  • The Twelve Caesars by Suetonius, translated by Robert Graves and edited by James B. Rives. New York: Penguin Classics, 2007.
  • http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Tacitus/Histories/4D*.html#ref4 
  • http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Tacitus/Histories/5A*.html#13 
  • http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/65*.html#66-1.4 
  • https://www.gutenberg.org/files/2850/2850-h/2850-h.htm 
  • https://lexundria.com/j_bj/6.313/wst 
  • https://www.livius.org/articles/religion/messiah/messianic-claimant-14-vespasian/ 
  • https://www.britannica.com/biography/Flavius-Josephus  

Monday, February 25, 2019

Æthelred The Unready Lost A Large Portion Of His Navy Due To His Feuding Vassals



Æthelred the Unready (r. 978-1016) ruled England during one of its darkest ages. As early as 980, he was faced with an influx of Viking activity the likes of which had not been seen since the days of Alfred the Great (r. 871-899). Yet, unlike Alfred, who was eventually able to adapt his forces to effectively combat the Scandinavian threat to his kingdom, Æthelred the Unready seemed hopelessly incapable of utilizing his resources in a way that could defeat his enemies. As portrayed in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Æthelred’s style of defense was evidently to let his regional ealdormen defend their own domains against the Vikings, and if the ealdormen failed, Æthelred would pay the Vikings money in hopes that they would leave. The king apparently mobilized his army on very few occasions, and when he did personally go on the march, it was often a punitive mission against his own people. Æthelred did, however, raise fleets against the Viking threat, yet something always seemed to go wrong when the English ships were gathered together.

According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, it was as late as 992 when Æthelred the Unready decided to make a concerted effort to mobilize his navy against the Vikings. That fiasco ended with the admiral in charge of the English fleet defecting to the Vikings (read about this in more detail HERE). After that incident, Æthelred the Unready apparently reverted to his previous strategy of paying money to the Vikings, especially when too many of his ealdormen began to die in battle. Yet, in 1007, after numerous ealdormen had been slain in Viking raids and after four payments of tribute had been made to the invaders, Æthelred the Unready finally announced a kingdom-wide edict commanding that new ships and armor be built across England.

By 1009, enough ships had been constructed to make some of the Englishmen feel hopeful of their future. Yet, as had happened the last time Æthelred raised his fleet against the Vikings, something bizarre occurred to thwart the unlucky king’s plans. Unfortunately for Æthelred, two of his powerful vassals decided to start quarreling in 1009. The two people in question were Ealdorman Brihtric and a certain powerful lord of Sussex called Wulfnoth Cild. Æthelred failed to reconcile the two noblemen, and, even worse, the king openly gave his support to Brihtric. Infuriated, Wutlfnoth Cild commandeered twenty English ships that were docked in his domain and used them to raid southern England.

When news of the raids spread, Ealdorman Brihtric quickly offered to hunt down his rogue rival and the king agreed to the plan.  In addition to his vocal support, King Æthelred the Unready also put Brihtric in command of eighty newly-built ships. Now at the helm of a large armada, Brihtric sailed off to capture or kill his enemy. Yet, the battle between the foes never occurred—in a tragic twist of fate, Brihtric’s fleet was ravaged by a massive tempest that left all eighty of his ships damaged or sunk. When Wulfnoth heard of his rival’s distress, he reportedly sailed to the shipwrecks and set fire to all of the vessels that happened to still be afloat.

According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the naval disaster between Brihtric and Wulfnoth was a breaking point in the reign of Æthelred the Unready. With the destruction of Brihtric’s eighty ships and the other twenty ships of Wulfnoth still on the loose, Æthelred the Unready apparently abandoned his shipbuilding project and England fell into a state of overwhelming depression. The chronicler in charge of recording the events of 1009 wrote, “When this was thus known to the other ships where the king was, how the others had fared, it was as if all counsel was at an end, and the king, and the ealdormen, and the high ‘witan’ went home, and thus lightly left the ships” (ASC, 1009).

The English ships lost that year were sorely missed. Before 1009 had ended, the general regions of Kent, Hampshire, Berkshire, Sussex and Essex faced Viking activity, while the more specific locations of Sandwich, Canterbury, Chiltern, Oxford, Staines and London were also mentioned as having been targeted by raiders. With such a combination of bad luck and ineffective defense, it is unsurprising that the Danes overran England by 1013 and forced Æthelred the Unready to flee to Normandy.

Written by C. Keith Hansley.

Picture Attribution: (Bayeux Tapestry. Scene 39, [Public Domain] via Creative Commons).

Sources:
  • The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle translated by Benjamin Thorpe in 1861 and republished by Cambridge University Press, 2012.
  • https://www.britannica.com/biography/Ethelred-the-Unready 
  • https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sweyn-I